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Tuesday, April 28, 2009

En Memoriam; Aasia Jeelani, Immortalized

AFAD Statement on Aasia’s Fifth Death Anniversary
20 April 2009

En Memoriam:
Aasia Jeelani, Immortalized

Oh, the tree of life is growing
where the spirit never dies.
And the bright light of salvation shines
in dark and empty skies.

Bob Dylan

A dreamer may not live long to see the day of reckoning but her dream for the goodness of humanity will still persist.

Aasia Jeelani was a young human rights activist from Kashmir, who, like many Kashmiris, dreamed of a free, self-determined and peaceful society. She was a woman who had found her meaning and purpose in life. As she lived in a paradise turned into a combat zone by a war between the Indian security forces and Kashmiri rebel groups and where consequently, disappearances and killings have become an order of the day, she dreamed of a free and independent valley. Such dream had led her to the doorsteps of the needy and the downtrodden. In her lifetime, Aasia immersed herself with the “wretched of the earth,” the victims of human rights violations particularly widowed and half-widowed women, and children orphaned by the disappearance and/or death of their loved ones.

The political reality of the valley had turned her dream into a passion for human rights advocacy and a commitment that never ever wavered. She tirelessly worked to help the families of the disappeared persons in their search for truth and justice . She championed the cause of the Kashmiri people against all forms of human rights violations. As an editor of a newsletter, “Voices Unheard,” she used her pen to articulate the horrendous plight of her people and bring their situation to national and international attention.

On that fateful day of 20 April 2004, Aasia Jeelani got violently killed in a landmine blast while performing her duties as an election observer during an Indian parliamentary election of 2004 in Lolab valley, north of Kashmir. Her driver, Ghulam Nabi was also killed and two of her colleagues were seriously wounded. Physically, she had gone, but she has not been and will never ever be forgotten.

Aasia’s exemplary life as a woman human rights defender leaves us an indelible memory. Her noble deeds are a source of hope for the Kashmiri people to continue struggling so that one day, the newly elected Government of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah will decisively put an end to the existing "reign of terror” through a call for a peace negotiation, a pursuance of the accountability of the perpetrators of human rights violations ; the establishment of truth and justice commissions and the repeal of draconian laws that fashion the atmosphere of impunity.

Aasia Jeelani had a courage beyond compare –that which continues to inspire and strengthen her colleagues to bravely face constant dangers as they tread the road of human rights advocacy. Parvez Imroz and many others continue to face risks. In 2008, Atty. Parvez Imroz and two others were arrested and badly beaten by Indian police while monitoring State Legislative Assembly Election. For exposing the skeletons inside the closet of a thousand unmarked graves of victims of human rights violations found in the borders of Kashmir and Pakistan, Parvez Imroz ceaselessly earns the ire of the powers-that-be. Parvez and other human rights defenders, in their dangerous crusade for human rights in Kashmir, continue to be inspired by the immortal spirit of their martyred comrade, Aasia Jeelani.

On the occasion of Aasia Jeelani’s 5th death anniversary, the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) pays tribute to this martyred woman. By virtue of her dedication to human rights and for her invaluable contribution to build a world without desaparecidos, her spirit will live forever and will always serve as a source of inspiration for all men and women of her beloved paradise of Kashmir.

Long live Aasia! Long live the struggle for human rights and self-determination in Kashmir!


Chairperson Secretary-Genera l

Friday, April 24, 2009

Kontestasi Politik Jangan Abaikan HAM

Jumat, 24 April 2009 | 03:45 WIB

Jakarta, Kompas - Kontestasi politik dengan koalisi antarparpol yang dibangun diharapkan tidak mengabaikan upaya penegakan hak asasi manusia. Di tengah kontestasi itu, para korban pelanggaran HAM berharap beberapa partai politik yang selama ini cukup intensif berupaya menegakkan HAM tidak mengambil jalan pintas demi memenangi kekuasaan dan menafikan semua perjuangan yang telah mereka tunjukkan.

Sejauh ini korban pelanggaran HAM mencatat partai seperti Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Partai Amanat Nasional, dan Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa memiliki perhatian pada kasus Trisakti, Semanggi I dan II, serta kasus penghilangan paksa aktivis pada 1998. Beberapa partai lain, seperti Demokrat, Golkar, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, juga dinilai cukup memberi perhatian terhadap kasus Munir.

”Tetapi, isu koalisi PDI Perjuangan-PAN-PPP dengan Partai Gerindra dan Hanura terlihat sebagai proyeksi gelap penegakan HAM pada masa mendatang,” kata Sipon, istri Wiji Thukul korban penculikan aktivis 1998.

Dalam jumpa pers yang digelar di Kantor Kontras, Jakarta, Kamis (23/4) itu, hadir pula Suciwati (istri mendiang Munir), Oetomo (orangtua Petrus Bimo Anugerah, korban penculikan), Sumarsih (orangtua BR Norma Irmawan, korban kasus Semanggi), Tineke Rumkabu (korban kasus Biak 1998), serta Salmiati yang korban DOM di Aceh.
Mereka mengkhawatirkan koalisi partai yang melibatkan Gerindra dan Hanura menyebabkan upaya penegakan HAM di parlemen, sebagaimana dilakukan selama ini, kehilangan makna.
Catatan sejarah

Di sisi lain para korban juga mengingatkan kepada semua partai politik, pelanggaran HAM telah menjadi kesepakatan internasional sebagai musuh umat manusia. ”Jadi para pelaku kejahatan tidak dapat berlindung di balik kekuasaan sebagai Presiden atau Wakil Presiden sekalipun,” kata Sipon.

Tineke Rumkabu juga menegaskan, para korban tidak pernah melupakan tindakan dan kesewenang-wenangan para pelanggar HAM. ”Catatan sejarah itu, kami tidak akan lupa,” katanya.

Oleh karena itu, sebagaimana dikatakan Salmiati, selayaknya mereka tidak dipilih. Para korban khawatir jika diberi kesempatan berkuasa, para pelanggar HAM itu akan menggunakan negara, termasuk TNI, sebagai alat penindas dan menggunakan hukum untuk mengukuhkan impunitas.

Untuk itu, para korban meminta agar partai-partai politik yang selama ini telah memberi perhatian kepada upaya penegakan HAM tetap konsisten dengan sikap mereka. Para korban juga mengharapkan agar partai-partai tersebut menjaga jarak dengan para pelanggar HAM.

”Kekuasaan harus demi kepentingan rakyat, demi pemenuhan kesejahteraan, keamanan, keadilan, dan kebenaran. Kami berharap koalisi yang dibangun tidak hanya sebatas pembagian kekuasaan, tetapi didasarkan pada agenda bersama, khususnya hak asasi manusia dan pemenuhan hak ekonomi, sosial, budaya, sipil, dan politik,” kata Sipon.
Dalam kesempatan itu, para korban juga mengingatkan akan keruntuhan petinggi negara, seperti Augusto Jose Ramon Pinochet, Saddam Husein, Slobodan Milosevic, dan Ferdinand Marcos. Para diktator itu akhirnya runtuh dan menjadi target dunia internasional karena pelanggaran yang mereka lakukan.

”Kami tidak ingin, hal itu dialami oleh pemimpin negeri ini,” kata Sipon. (JOS)

Sumber: http://cetak.kompas.com/read/xml/2009/04/24/03454032/kontestasi.politik.jangan.abaikan.ham

Thursday, April 16, 2009

Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo di Indonesia

Gerakan Korban Pelanggaran HAM Indonesia Tidak Pernah Sendirian;
Solidaritas the Mothers of the Plaza the Mayo untuk Komunitas Korban di Indonesia

Kami yang tergabung dari berbagai organisasi dan komunitas korban, seperti KontraS, IKOHI, JSKK (Jaringan Solidaritas Korban untuk Keadilan), ICTJ merasa sangat terhormat atas kunjungan dan dukungan solidaritas dari the Mothers of the Plaza the Mayo (Ibu-Ibu dari Alun-Alun de Mayo) Argentina . Mereka ini dianggap sebagai salah satu ‘ikon’ pejuang HAM di dunia internasional yang banyak menginspirasikan gerakan HAM di dunia. Ini menunjukan bahwa perjuangan menuntut kebenaran dan keadilan merupakan bahasa yang universal.

Pelanggaran berat HAM –yang banyak terjadi di Indonesia di masa lalu- tidak hanya merusak daya hidup para korban yang kena dampak, tetapi juga mengusik rasa nurani dan kepekaaan kemanusiaan. Sehingga pelanggaran berat HAM merupakan musuh terhadap kemanusiaan; hostis humani generis.

Perjuangan para Madres ini juga menjadi salah satu inspirasi bagi perjuangan komunitas korban pelanggaran HAM di Indonesia, khususnya bagi mereka yang tergabung dalam JSKK yang melakukan aksi damai setiap Kamis sore di depan Istana Negara. Aksi Kamisan ini mengikuti metode serupa yang dilakukan oleh para Madres di Alun-alun de Mayo di depan istana presiden, Casa Rosada di pusat kota Buenos Aires. Aksi Kamisan para Madres ini dianggap legendaris karena dilakukan selama hampir 30 tahun sejak tahun 1977, tanpa absen satu Kamis pun.

Menurut mereka hanya ada dua hal yang bisa menghentikan aksi Kamisan tersebut; entah mereka dibunuh semua atau pemerintah mengungkapkan keberadaan anak-anak mereka, mengadili dan menghukum pelakunya. Mereka bertransformasi dari para ’ibu rumah tangga biasa’ menjadi pejuang HAM yang menjadi ancaman serius junta militer yang sangat berkuasa di Argentina saat itu. Perjuangan mereka juga bukan tanpa biaya; ada pendiri organsasi mereka yang ’dihilangkan’, tidak jarang berhadapan dengan represi aparat keamanan, dan melawan sistem sosial di sana yang patriarkal.

Adanya solidaritas dari para Madres terhadap gerakan korban di Indonesia ini menunjukan bahwa tujuan perjuangan para korban pelanggaran HAM di Indonesia, lewat aksi Kamisan yang hingga saat ini telah berlangsung selama 106 kali, tidak hanya untuk kepentingan hak-hak mereka sendiri, tetapi juga untuk memperjuangan cita-cita kemanusiaan yang universal, yaitu kebenaran dan keadilan. Sungguh ironis ketika banyak negara-negara di dunia semakin berani mengambil langkah radikal terhadap kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan, para pemimpin negara di Indonesia masih juga amnesia terhadap masa lalu dan gagal menegakan keadilan.

Kamboja saat ini sedang menggelar pengadilan untuk mereka anggota rezim Khmer Merah yang bertanggung jawab atas ladang pembantaian (killing field) atas sekitar 1 juta orang di sana pada tahun 1970-an. Baru-baru ini mantan presiden Peru, Alberto Fujimori, divonis 25 tahun penjara atas keterlibatannya dalam pelanggaran berat HAM di negeri itu. Tragisnya para penjahat kemanusiaan di Indonesia masih menikmati previlese khusus. Tanpa malu saat ini mereka maju dalam Pemilu, berkompetisi untuk memimpin negeri ini.

Namun sekali lagi, perjuangan para korban di Indonesia –dengan contoh teladan para Madres tersebut- tidak akan surut sampai kebenaran dan keadilan tegak di bumi Indonesia. Kami para korban dan kelompok yang berjuang bersama korban percaya bahwa sekokoh apa pun tembok impunitas yang dibangun para pelaku dan pelindung mereka, suatu saat bisa roboh oleh dari benih-benih inisiatif sederhana korban.

Jakarta, 16 April 2009

KontraS, IKOHI, JSKK, AFAD, ICTJ, Amnesty Internasional

Monday, April 13, 2009

Easter Statement of AFAD

April 12, 2009

Celebrating Life with A Renewed Faith

“The LORD is a refuge for the oppressed, a stronghold in times of trouble”
(Psalm 9:9)

“Even a good person may still meet with suffering so long as his good deed does not bear fruit; but when it does bear fruit he will enjoy the benefits of his good deed”
(The Dhammapada 120)

“If they resort to peace, so shall you, and put your trust in GOD.
He is the Hearer, the Omniscient”
(The QURAN Sura 8:61)

Easter Sunday gives us the reason to hope amidst despair. As Jesus Christ resurrected from the violence of His death, we, the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances, start to put out the lamp because by our very presence and our continuing struggle, dawn has come and the light of day will continue to illumine our path towards a world without desaparecidos.

There is no Easter if there is no Good Friday. Thus, on this occasion, we reflect on the journey of the little ones of God’s flock – the world’s poor, deprived, oppressed, who, like Christ, carrying the Cross towards Golgotha, continue to suffer from human rights violations where truth and justice are far from sight. Particularly, we ponder on the situation of enforced disappearances in countries where our member-organizations are based – a microcosm of the global scourge of enforced disappearances which makes it imperative for the UN Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance to enter into force.

In Pakistan, the crackdown against the opposition groups headed by the Pakistan Muslim League leader Nawaz Sharif has continuously sowed fear among the people. Since March 10, 2009, authorities have been detaining at least 300 activists from the opposition party charged under various provisions of the Maintenance of Public Order Act or simply detained without being charged. This clandestine nature of the arrest and detention of individuals has subjected people to enforced disappearance, torture and summary execution. In 2007, the Pakistan Supreme Court heard petitions of more than 400 disappeared people. Almost 100 of the disappeared were subsequently located. Some of those who reappeared had been detained on apparently false charges.

In Sri Lanka, the internal armed conflict resumed between the government and the LTTE since President Mahinda Rajapakse assumed power in November 2005. Neither side has shown regard for the human rights of the largely Tamil civilian population. This is triggered by the sudden rise of incidences of killings and disappearances of hundreds of Tamils attributed mostly to the state-security forces and paramilitary groups. In the most recent round of fighting that began in September 2008, the Sri Lankan government has refused to allow either humanitarian agencies or the media to operate in the conflict area.

But evil can be overcome by finding the saving grace of God in our hearts in order to bring a lasting peace to humanity. However, it necessitates sacrifices from those who follow the path of goodness. The human rights defenders who put their lives and liberties on the line are our sources of hope. They are some manifestations that in death, there is Resurrection.

In Indonesia, the trial for the murder of Munir Said Thalib, one Indonesia’s leading human rights activists had turned into a haywire when South Jakarta district court acquitted Major General Muchdi Purwopranjono, a former deputy to the State Intelligence Agency (Badan Intelijen Negara or BIN) on 31 December 2008 despite compelling evidence against him. Muchdi had been charged with planning and ordering Munir's killing on a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam via Singapore on 7 September 2004 by a lethal dose of arsenic. Before his untimely death, Munir led the investigation on the abduction of thousands of activists by Kopassus which was then headed by Gen. Muchdi.

In Thailand, since the renewed outbreak of violence in the southern border provinces in January 2004, a number of human rights defenders have been arrested, tortured, disappeared and murdered, allegedly by the security forces. On 8 February 2009, about 20 soldiers and police raided the office of the Working Group for Peace and Justice (WGPJ) in Pattani province and harassed its personnel. Ms. Angkhana Neelapaijit, head of WGPJ, believes that the military was targeting her group because it has played a central role in reporting human rights cases in Thailand to the United Nations. She fears that they might suffer the same fate as that of her husband, lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit who was abducted and murdered on 12 March 2004 for exposing a number of cases of torture committed by police. Only one of the five Thai police officers was convicted on 12 January 2006 for a lesser charge of coercion.

In the Philippines, while politicians are busy with the upcoming 2010 national elections, cases of enforced disappearances remain unresolved and the bill criminalizing enforced disappearances has not yet been enacted into law. Mrs. Edita Burgos continue to search for her son; the family of James Balao had already sought international support for the continuing disappearance of its kin – they and several other families whose loved ones disappeared continue to cry for truth and justice.

Very recently, the ongoing probe of the Commission on Human Rights on the spate of killings in Davao City and the disappearance and murder of Rebelyn Pitao, Rebelyn, a schoolteacher and daughter of Leoncio Pitao, alias Commander Parago, head of the New People’s Army’s Pulang Bagani (Red Warrior) Command, has once again pointed to the military and private armed groups associated to the government as culprits. It was the same findings that the task forces and commissions created by the government had concluded in their investigation. This prompted the Action Network Human Rights - Philippines, an initiative of church-based German development agencies to visit the country on 12 – 18 March 2009 to follow–up and review the government’s response to the Alston’s report and the recommendations submitted by the Melo Commission.

As Easter Sunday dawns upon us, violence still prevails. Yet amidst all these, there is every reason for us to celebrate. Life with faith renewed in the face of continuing violence is the reason for celebration. Christ, who died for the ransom of many, has resurrected - a Resurrection that flickers in us a ray of hope that that one day, truth, justice, peace and freedom will emerge triumphant!

In Nepal, the decision of the Maoist-led government to establish a Disappearances and Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a positive step toward ensuring accountability and breaking the chain of impunity. But the Nepali government has yet to ensure that its existing law, in a forum of an Ordinance, be made as an Act of Parliament whose provisions, indeed, truly respond to the needs of the families of the disappeared.

In India, the newly elected Jammu and Kashmir government of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has this historic opportunity to break the routine failure of justice. This can be done by heeding to the clamor of the families of the victims of enforced disappearance and of the international community to create an independent, transparent, and time-bound commission to investigate allegations of enforced disappearances and identify those who were buried in unmarked graves. The government must also repeal of the draconian laws that provide the armed forces with extraordinary powers to search, detain, and use lethal force, leading to numerous human rights violations.

The Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) continues to struggle despite the thorns that bar along the way towards a world without desaparecidos. It joins hands with families of the disappeared persons in Asia and in other continents in partaking the victories on this Resurrection Day. In its more than a decade of life as a Federation, it has seen faces of violence – the murder of its former chairperson, Munir; the killing of its Kashmiri colleague, Aasia Jeelani, the continuing persecution of its Council member in Kashmir, Parvez Imroz and the continuing disappearances of many women and men in the name of national security. These and many other difficulties are reasons to combat the violence of death and to partake in Christ’s Resurrection. This is made possible by continuing this crusade towards a world without desaparecidos.

Signed and authenticated by:

Chairperson Secretary-General

Sunday, April 12, 2009

Indonesia is Ready and Should Ratify the ICC

Mugiyanto , Jakarta | Fri, 04/10/2009 1:39 PM | Opinion

Prof. Hikmahanto Juwana wrote an interesting article on April 2, on whether Indonesia should ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The professor of law's position is clear, he is against the ratification.

The article is interesting, as Indonesia is now in the process of ratifying the ICC, and due to the controversy on the issuing by the ICC of an arrest warrant against Sudan President Omar al Bahsir.

In an article, "Should RI ratify ICC Statute?" Prof. Juwana argues that Indonesia should not ratify the Rome Statute. First of all, Prof. Juwana said Indonesia did not need to ratify the ICC because the country had promulgated the Human Rights Court Law (Law No. 26/2000), which had been able to bring to court three human rights abuse cases (the cases of Timor Timur 1999, Tanjung Priok 1984 and Abepura 2001).

He pointed out the reforms within the Indonesian Military (TNI), that the TNI was no longer involved in politics and made reports about respecting human rights.

Prof. Juwana proposed three conditions in order for Indonesia to ratify the Rome Statute; the need of the international community to treat all those who commit international crimes the same; that countries like the United States should not pursue impunity for their soldiers who commit international crimes; and that Non-Surrender Agreements (NSA) should not be imposed by other countries.

There is nothing wrong with these prerequisites. They are exactly the reasons why the ICC was established as a permanent Court, to complement existing ad hoc international courts such as the Nuremberg Tribunal, the Tokyo Tribunal and the International Criminal Tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda (ICTY and the ICTR) which are criticized more as political Courts.

What is more important to note, however, is that in order to make the ICC treat all countries equally, and not be politicized nor target only less developed or powerful states, Indonesia, as well as the states he specifically mentioned, the United States and Israel, should ratify the ICC.

Not ratifying the ICC with the argument that other big countries alleged to have committed international crimes have not ratified the ICC either, is like looking for justification to committing similar crimes.

Indonesia, as one of the world's largest democracies, is right in leading the move toward getting big and powerful countries onboard the international justice regime.

With the arguments above, this writer is convinced Indonesia is ready and should ratify the ICC without delay.

The ratification of the ICC by Indonesia will not merely improve its image with respect to human rights and provide only a symbolic significance, as Prof. Juwana said.

Much more than that, the ratification of the ICC will make sure that Indonesian citizens are protected from any possible acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

It will also make Indonesia able to prevent such crimes happening in the future, as well as to main-tain peace in the region and in the world. Moreover, it will give Indone-sia equal footing with other countries that committed themselves earlier to the order of international justice.

It is not only that the ratification of the ICC has been mandated by Presidential Decree No. 20, 2004 in the National Plan for Action on Human Rights (RANHAM).

The Indonesian Civil Society Coalition for the International Criminal Court (The Coalition), that has been working in parallel with the government on the process of ratifying the ICC could only list the advantages of the ratification and disadvantages of not ratifying the ICC.

Some of the principle advantages of the ratification are that it will give protection to citizens, including the Indonesian peace keeping force; it will enable Indonesia to play a bigger role in the international justice system; accelerate legal reform; improve human rights protection and many other benefits (Academic Paper of the Coalition, 2008).

However, some substantive issues are still "burning", and, accordingly, still need further discussion to resolve, such as the following:

First, some still think the ICC will disrupt national sovereignty. Based on the preamble of the Rome Statute, the ICC is complementary to national judiciary (the complementary principle). Article 17 (1) of the Rome Statute on the inadmissibility of the case guarantees this principle.

It is mentioned there that the ICC cannot intervene in criminal cases in national courts when a state is performing an investigation or prosecution, and if the case has been settled by a proper and fair court.

Based on this provision, the ICC is actually aimed at making the national criminal judiciary of a state run more effectively.

Thereby, the ICC will neither intervene in nor reduce the sovereignty of the legal system of Indonesia. National legal mechanisms remain the main avenue to prosecute crime.

Second, on the principle of nonretroactivity, some still think that alleged perpetrators of crimes which happened before the ICC comes into force will be brought before the court.

Article 24 of the Rome Statute states that nobody will be held responsible in term of penal law for things done before the Statute is put into effect. This provision shows that the Statute of Rome does not prevail retroactively, and that it holds dear the principle of legality as a cardinal principle in criminal law.

The writer is chairman of the Association of Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (Ikohi)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/04/10/indonesia-ready-and-should-ratify-icc.html

Monday, April 06, 2009

Catatan Pinggir Goenawan Mohamad - HERMAN


Senin, 06 April 2009

Potret itu dipajang berderet-deret, hampir di tiap pohon. Tapi di manakah Herman? Tiba-tiba saya ingat dia. Ia tak pernah kembali. Sepuluh tahun lebih, sejak ia hilang pada 12 Maret 1998. Orang banyak sudah lupa akan kejadian itu, orang mungkin bahkan lupa ada nama itu, nama seorang yang diculik, terutama karena Herman tak dikenal luas. Saya juga tak mengenalnya betul—dan memang tak harus mengenalnya betul.
Baru kemudian saya ketahui aktivis Partai Rakyat Demokratik (PRD) itu, bernama lengkap Herman Hendarwan, lahir pada 29 Mei 1971 di Pangkal Pinang, Bangka. Selebihnya tak banyak lagi informasi. Wilson, aktivis PRD yang juga sejarawan, menulis kenangan tentang kawannya ini dan mengakui: ”Menulis… tentang Herman Hendarwan bukanlah hal yang mudah. Banyak sekali aktivitas politiknya yang dilakukan secara rahasia dan tersembunyi….”

Rahasia dan tersembunyi: saya dan Herman bertemu dalam beberapa rapat seperti itu. Itu tahun 1998, pada hari-hari ketika tentara Soeharto menangkap dan memburu para anggota PRD, setelah rezim itu memenjarakan anggota-anggota AJI (Aliansi Jurnalis Independen), setelah orang-orangnya menduduki dengan kekerasan Kantor PDI-P…. Beberapa orang sudah dilenyapkan. Dan Herman salah satu buron, seperti halnya Andi Arif, Nezar Patria, Bimo Petrus, dan lain-lain….

Dari bangunan di Jalan Utan Kayu 68-H, saya dan teman-teman aktivis lain tahu kami dimata-matai. Di tempat yang kini dikenal sebagai ”Komunitas Utan Kayu”, kami belajar bagaimana mengamankan diri, setelah markas AJI, organisasi kami, digerebek polisi dan tiga anggota ditangkap. Satu tim dari kami—Irawan Saptono, Ging Ginanjar, Stanley Adi Prasetya, Tedjobayu—mengatur cara pengamanan itu, yang kadang membingungkan karena tiap kali diubah.

Itu tak bertambah gampang ketika kami harus berhubungan dengan lingkaran yang lebih luas. Tapi waktu itu kalangan pergerakan perlu membentuk jaringan, bahkan front bersama, secara pelan-pelan. Soeharto terlampau kuat, dan kami hanya sekelompok aktivis dengan jangkauan terbatas. Di luar pelbagai gerakan pro-demokrasi bergerak, diam-diam atau terbuka, dan kami saling mendukung, tapi tak ada front persatuan untuk perlawanan.

Selebihnya gagu. Soeharto berhasil menundukkan Indonesia dengan cara yang efisien: menyebarkan ketakutan. Rezim itu punya modal teror yang amat cukup, setelah pada 1965-66 puluhan ribu orang dibunuh, dibui, dan dibuang. Dalam keadaan itu, membentuk kerja sama dengan kalangan lain dalam pergerakan pro-demokrasi perlu didahului dengan mematahkan teror itu. Dengan menjajal keberanian.

PRD ada di garis depan keberanian itu. Saya mulai bekerja sama dengan mereka secara lebih dekat sejak saya mengetuai Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu (KIPP)—sebuah langkah ke arah pembentukan front bersama dan sekaligus sebuah siasat untuk mendelegitimasi pemilihan umum Soeharto (”kami pura-pura memantau pemilu, karena rezim ini juga pura-pura mengadakan pemilu”). Harus saya katakan sekarang: para anggota PRD—mereka umumnya sadar arti gerakan politik, bersemangat, dan tak gentar—adalah sayap yang paling saya andalkan dalam KIPP.

Tapi sebelum KIPP bekerja penuh, PRD digerebek. Pimpinan mereka, antara lain Budiman Sudjatmiko, kemudian tertangkap. Kami terpukul, tentu: seluruh daya harus dibagi. Sebagian untuk meningkatkan perlawan¬an—”la lutta continua!”—dan sebagian menggagalkan usaha tentara Soeharto mematahkan bagian gerakan yang tersisa. Langkah baru harus diatur.

Sejak itu hubungan kami berlangsung makin berahasia, termasuk membangun kontak ke tempat tahanan. Dari Utan Kayu 68-H, operasi seperti ini, termasuk ope¬rasi penyebaran informasi dan disinformasi, dikerjakan oleh yang kami sebut ”Tim Blok M”. Lewat jaringan yang dibentuk Irawan kami secara periodik bertemu dengan link PRD”: Andi Arif dan Bambang Ekalaya. Kemudian Herman—meskipun saya tak mengenalnya betul sebagaimana ia tak akan mengenal saya betul. Ada yang harus dijaga, karena bisa saja suatu hari kami tertangkap dan dipaksa buka mulut.

Dan benar: pada Maret itu Herman tertangkap. Atau lebih tepat, diculik. Tak hanya dia; Andi Arief, Faisol Reza, Waluyo Jati, Mugianto, Nezar Patria, Aan Rusdianto—semua aktivis PRD yang diangkut dengan paksa, dalam mobil yang tertutup rapat, dengan mata yang diikat dan kepala yang diselubungi seibo, dan dimasukkan ke dalam yang oleh Nezar Patria disebut, dalam testimoninya kemudian, sebagai ”kuil penyiksaan Orde Baru”.

Sebagian mereka kemudian dilepas. Tapi Herman tidak. Ia hilang. Juga dua nama lain Bimo Petrus dan Suyat. Wiji Thukul, yang untuk beberapa lama dapat disembu¬nyikan satu tim teman-teman, juga kemudian lenyap.

Tak ada alasan untuk tak menduga mereka dibunuh. Setidaknya mati dalam penyiksaan. Nezar pernah menggambarkan bagaimana tentara Soeharto menganiaya mereka: pada satu bagian dari interogasi, kepalanya dijungkirkan. Listrik pun menyengat dari paha sampai dada. ”Allahu akbar!” ia berteriak. Tapi mulutnya diinjak. Darah mengucur lagi. Satu setruman di dada membuat napasnya putus. Tersengal-sengal.

Saya bayangkan Herman di ruang itu. Mungkin ia lelap selamanya setelah tersengal-sengal. Mungkin ia langsung dibunuh. Yang pasti, ia tak pernah pulang. Para pejuang dalam sajak Hr. Bandaharo berkata ”tak berniat pulang, walau mati menanti”. Dan Herman pernah menulis surat ke orang tuanya: ”Herman sudah memilih untuk hidup di gerakan”, sebab Indonesia, tanah airnya, membutuhkan itu. Tapi haruskah kekejian itu?
Saya memandang potret-potret pemilihan umum itu, ada orang-orang keji yang saya kenal. Tak ada Herman.

Goenawan Mohamad

Sumber: http://tempointeraktif.com/hg/caping//2009/04/06/mbm.20090406.CTP129987.id.html


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